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  • Recommended: Artist Ai Weiwei's answer to 81 days in China prison: Profanity-laced heavy metal
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In Behind the Wall, NBC News correspondents and producers examine events and trends in China, both big and small.

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  • 1
    Mar
    2013
    8:02am, EST

    Notorious drug lord executed by China over 'Golden Triangle' smuggling, hijackings

    China Daily / Reuters

    Drug lord Naw Kham is taken from a Chinese jail to be executed on Friday.

    By Ed Flanagan, Producer, NBC News

    BEIJING – A notorious gang leader and drug lord from Myanmar was among four foreigners executed in China Friday, marking the first time Beijing has extradited, tried and put to death foreign nationals. 

    Naw Kham and three accomplices from Thailand and Laos were given a lethal injection in Yunnan’s provincial capital, Kunming, late Friday afternoon.

    The four were found guilty last year and sentenced Wednesday for the October 2011 hijacking of two cargo ships and the murder of 13 Chinese sailors on the Mekong River.

    But Beijing’s decision to live broadcast the final moments of the men as they waited in their cells followed by their walk to waiting police cars to the execution facility has drawn criticism across China’s websphere.

    The four were additionally found guilty of smuggling drugs, kidnapping and hijacking cargo ships in the “Golden Triangle,” a section of territory that overlaps parts of Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam and Laos that accounts for much of Asia’s opium and methamphetamines production.

    Beijing contends that, while Naw Kham masterminded the hijacking of the two Chinese cargo ships, he also colluded with Thai soldiers who may have been responsible for the slaying of the sailors. 

    Thai authorities are investigating nine of their soldiers alleged to be involved in the incident.

    The capture of Naw Kham – who was at the center of the region's bustling drug trade – was a coup for Chinese police and anti-drug ministries, which reportedly spent a year tracking the infamous smuggler.

    The search was unprecedented as it marked the first time that Chinese forces were seen actively searching for foreign national criminal suspects outside of China’s borders.

    Task force
    The importance Beijing placed on the search was underscored by a report last month by Chinese state media that revealed a task force set up to capture Naw Kham had at one point considered a controversial plan to use an unmanned drone to bomb a suspected hideout of Naw Kham’s gang in northeastern Myanmar.   

    The scheme was scrapped after the order to capture Naw Kham alive and bring him to trial was reiterated from senior leaders.

    Naw Kham’s capture and subsequent trial was given significant coverage in Chinese state media. In the run up to Friday’s execution, long reports detailing the gang’s crimes, celebrating the diligent work of China’s security forces and explaining the method of execution were repeatedly played on Chinese broadcaster CCTV.

    CCTV also ran two hours of live coverage leading up to the executions, showing the men’s final moments as they were led from their prison cells to execution facility. Despite rampant rumors and speculation that the state broadcaster was planning on showing the execution live, it ended its live coverage after the men were driven away.  

    The magnitude of Naw Kham’s capture and execution was never underplayed, with one CCTV reporter noting that officials there were comparing Naw Kham’s case to the hunt for Osama Bin Laden.

    The comparison carries an undeniable message from the country’s ruling Communist Party to its people: China can and will look out for its nationals both at home and abroad.

    But many in China found the live broadcast of the men’s final moments in poor taste and an uncomfortable reminder of show executions from China’s turbulent period during the Cultural Revolution.

    “Even though they are deserved to die, these criminals have dignity too,” wrote one user on China’s Twitter-like service, Weibo, “The Cultural Revolution is back.”

    “China is a country without humanity,” lamented another.

    “CCTV is as cruel as these criminals,” one user bluntly noted. 

    Mo Shaoping, a prominent criminal lawyer and advisor at the Central University of Finance and Economics Law School, argued that Beijing’s decision to broadcast the prisoners’ final moments was less about striking a nationalist chord and more about showing how the country has improved its handling of the death penalty – a sensitive topic for China’s leadership.

    “China has made progress in how it deals with the death penalty,” Mo said. “showing everything live helps people see that prisoners are being treated humanely in their final moments.”

    Indeed, much of the commentary on CCTV as cameras rolled on Naw Kham in his cell discussed how he had been given a full doctor’s inspection and that officers in the room had made small chat and offered cigarettes to the kingpin to help him relax.

    They also noted that Naw had actually gained weight and looked healthier after months under Chinese supervision.

    Mo also noted that the use of lethal injection mean that potential donor organs could not be harvested from the men, addressing another common criticism of China’s previous handling of state executions.

    NBC News Le Li contributed to this report.

    212 comments

    They should broadcast all the high profile crimes. The executions should be available for pay per view to pay for boarding and feeding their sorry @ss'es for 20+ years. I would say A+ to China on this one..............

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    Explore related topics: china, thailand, world, death-penalty, myanmar, laos, featured, burma, ed-flanagan
  • 23
    Feb
    2011
    10:44am, EST

    Burmese opposition leader has a few words for China

    By NBC News contributor*

    When I told my mom I was going to Myanmar, her response was: “Myanmar? A lot of drugs there, right? Be careful!”

    I wouldn’t call my mom ignorant. Most Chinese people know very little about their neighboring country, despite the long 1,242 mile border shared by northeast Myanmar and China’s Yunnan province. Chinese media doesn’t report much information on the country except occasional news stories on energy cooperation, the soon-to-be-built high-speed railway connecting Kunming (Yunnan province’s capital) and Yangon, (Myanmar’s largest city), the drug war skirmishes near the border area and about Burmese girls who are smuggled into China.

    As the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy and a persistent champion for democracy and human rights, Aung San Suu Kyi is not frequently mentioned in Chinese media.

    Which made me all the more curious to meet her when NBC News recently had the chance to interview her after  her release from seven years under house arrest.

    Given the fact that Myanmar’s military rulers appear to be taking a hardline against Sui Kyi and her opposition party just three months after her release in November, we were probably lucky that we interviewed her when we got the chance. Myanmar’s rulers recently said that she and her party could meet “tragic ends” if they continue to support international economic and political sanctions against the country. 

    What struck me most was that despite being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for “her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights” and still being revered by many Burmese for being a voice of freedom in repressive Myanmar, she spoke with us like she was just a next-door neighbor. 


    Family steeped in Burmese history
    As we waited for a while in the yard outside her house before the interview, I noticed her yard was fenced off by some very new looking wire; I wondered if that was to prevent anyone from swimming up into her yard again as the American John Yettaw had done in 2009 causing an international incident by violating the terms of her then-house arrest.

    Birds chirped in the blue sky, a small white-and-coffee colored puppy played at our feet, sniffing our ankles and barking from time to time. Her colleagues and friends waited outside just as we did, all wearing the traditional Burmese longyis, chatting and smoking.
    As we walked in, I immediately saw a huge painted portrait of Suu Kyi’s father, the late Gen. Aung San who is still widely admired by the Burmese people as a national hero who led the fight for independence from British colonial rule.

    Just a few hours earlier I tried to visit the Bogyoke Aung San Museum, dedicated to honoring him, but was rejected by a big rusted lock on the gate. The museum, along with the Martyr’s Mausoleum, located just outside the famous Shwedagon Pagodas, is open for just three hours on one day a year: July 19. The date is the anniversary of Aung San’s assassination, along with six other cabinet ministers, and has been designated as a national holiday, Martyr’s Day. But, in line with the military regime’s effort to marginalize his daughter, Suu Kyi, the museum is usually shuttered.

    When Suu Kyi, 65, finally arrived for our interview, she was wearing a buttoned-up orange Burmese shirt and a blue longyi with a pattern of purple flowers. She was wearing black flip-flops, with her toes painted in almost indiscernible pink polish. And, of course, there were flowers in her hair pulled back from her face.  

    During the interview conducted by my colleague, she was calm, quick, focused, and witty. With the occasional smile, she wasted no words, sometimes frowning in deep thought.

    When we had finished, I thought she was going to leave since she was obviously very busy. But to my surprise she offered us tea and rice crackers, then sat down with us on her comfortable sofa.

    Some words for China
    She was a little bit surprised when I told her I was from China. “Do you think you can take a message back to your government?” She asked. “Tell your government…”

    Please forgive my forgetfulness – I don’t remember the exact words she said. But I know what she meant.

    For decades China has been Burma’s third-largest trading partner and provides the regime with extensive military and economic aid. PetroChina is investing heavily to build a major gas pipeline from the A-1 Shwe oil field off the coast of Burma’s Rakhine State to Yunnan. This pipeline would make it possible for China to bypass the traditional route of the Strait of Malacca to import oil from the Middle East.

    The new route alone will save China 746 miles of transport once it’s finished, and it offers Beijing a strategically less risky channel than the Malacca Strait – much safer transport for the huge supply of oil and gas necessary to sustain China’s roaring development. Now a 1,200-mile-long high-speed railway connecting Yangon and Kunming is in the works and due to start construction within days. 

    Chinese influence is big here – and there are fears it may be growing too big. When I met local Burmese and told them that I am Chinese, their reactions were: “Chinese? Rich!” and “Chinese? What kind of business are you doing here?”

    That’s why it’s not hard to understand China’s response to Myanmar’s election last November, saying that the government “maintains internal social stability and the election successfully served the fundamental interests of the Burmese people.” The rest of the world criticized the election as cheating and unfair.

    But Suu Kyi may be surprised to learn that recently released WikiLeaks U.S. State Department cables suggest China may actually be fed up with Myanmar's foot-dragging on reforms, facing pressure from possible political turmoil that could hurt China's economic interests.

    I had to ask her what she thought about Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo winning the Nobel Peace Prize, just as she had. “I’d tell him, stick to your beliefs!” she said. Then he added with a smile, “I have to admit I had never heard his name before he won the prize. But I do feel a person to person connection, because when I won the prize in 1991, I wasn’t allowed to go [to the ceremony in Oslo] either.”
    We even made fun of the China’s own “Confucius Peace Prize,” she joked about how it was too confusing and then offered us more tea and rice crackers.

     

    I told her downtown Yangon greatly reminded me of my childhood in China, when people could sell everything in the street 20 years ago, and she opened her eyes wide. “So you are saying Burma is like China 20 years ago? Ah I didn’t realize we are so behind now!”

    As she finally walked out of the door, she turned back to me and said again: “Tell your government…” then she stopped and smiled. That smile reminded me of what a taxi driver told me as I explored the city earlier, “I love Aung San Suu Kyi. She’s my mother. She’s so graceful because she’s always smiling.”

    Due to restrictions on journalists in Myanmar, msnbc.com is not identifying the author of this post.

    2 comments

    Equal-footing would be fine, politically or econimically. Ripping off too much may harm other but finally self-suicidal. There is a Chinese proverb: "One who plays fire burn itself". How long China can play (with Burmese people) like that? To become a super power doesn't depend on how much you …

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    Explore related topics: china, myanmar, burma, aung-san-suu-kyi
  • 13
    Nov
    2010
    11:47am, EST

    "Film them all, film them all, so many, so many!"

    By Adrienne Mong/NBC News

    "Burma VJ" writer/director Anders Østergaard takes questions from the audience.

    It seemed somehow fitting that news that Myanmar’s opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prizewinner, Aung San Suu Kyi, had been freed from 15 years of house arrest came to us during a screening of “Burma VJ” at Nordox 2010, the annual Nordic Documentary Film Festival in Beijing.

    The movie is a moving and powerful account of a team of Burmese “video journalists” covering the startling and tragic events of September 2007.

    Armed with tiny video cameras, these VJs documented the rise and fall of days-long protests in Yangon led by monks railing against the military junta and demanding Suu Kyi’s release. Running the highest risks, the journalists filmed everything commando-style (secretly, but sometimes openly) and smuggled the footage out by Internet and couriers so that it could be re-broadcast back into Myanmar.

    Watching “Burma VJ” sometimes brought a chill down one’s spine. After the initial – and moving – images of hundreds of saffron-robed monks walking quietly through the city streets with their alms bowls turned upside down in a defiant gesture of protest (a man turns to the camera and shouts, “Film them all, film them all, so many, so many,” is he a supporter or a spy?), the footage then documents the violent conclusion: military troops moving in to contain the demonstrations.

    It was hard not to be reminded of similar-looking pictures from 1989, when hundreds of thousands of students and workers had descended on Tiananmen Square. And then again when thousands of People’s Liberation Army troops were trucked in to end the protests decisively and brutally on the night of June 3.

    The parallel was not lost on the audience, an even mix of Chinese and westerners. Following the documentary, its director and writer, Anders Østergaard, fielded a number of insistent questions from curious Chinese who wanted to know whether he thought democracy was possible in China; what he thought of the imprisonment of that other Nobel laureate, Liu Xiaobo; whether he believed there was a global trend towards democracy; or what kind of country the Burmese VJs wanted if they were “not satisfied with the military government.”

    Perhaps the most telling question, however, was one that recognized nothing has changed in Myanmar despite the documentary’s compelling message and international distribution, buoyed by a clutch of awards and an Oscar nomination for Best Documentary this past year. The military junta still has a firm grip on power. The VJs are no longer active, having been arrested or driven into exile. And, until tonight, Suu Kyi was still under house arrest.

    As the film’s narrator, Joshua (the VJs’ team leader), put it before the protests began, “I feel like the world has forgotten us.”

    7 comments

    The oppressive government of Burma is fear based backed by another fear based regime, China.

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    Explore related topics: world-news, china, protest, democracy, myanmar, aung-san-suu-kyi, monks, yangon, burma-vj
  • 8
    Nov
    2010
    1:05pm, EST

    Myanmar’s elections – a big win for China?

    By Eric Baculinao, NBC News Beijing Bureau Chief

    BEIJING – Defying Western criticism and sanctions, Myanmar’s military junta proceeded with Sunday’s controversial elections that once again drew attention to the clashing strategies of the United States and China towards the poor, but strategically important, Southeast Asian nation.

    (Note: The ruling junta changed the country’s name to Myanmar in 1989. While the United Nations has adopted the new name, some journalists and countries, such as the United States, continue to use its old one Burma.)

    With President Barack Obama virtually within hearing distance in India, Myanmar’s generals effectively delivered the message that America’s lack of engagement, focus on human rights and consequent inability to influence events in the country may only draw the country deeper into the strategic embrace of its giant neighbor.

    “Some analysts noted that a peaceful power reshuffle is in China’s interests,” said Guo Qiang of the Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party-run newspaper.

    The elections, which China has supported, are seen as critical to institutionalizing and stabilizing military-led rule in Myanmar, and securing China’s strategic gains in the county.

    And of these strategic gains, none is more powerful a symbol of China’s growing dominance as the mammoth $2.5 billion Trans-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines project, which has far-reaching economic, military and geo-political consequences.

    ‘Neither free nor fair’
    Obama decried the Nov. 7 elections as “based on a fundamentally flawed process” that was “anything but free and fair.” In addition, overwhelming evidence pointed to the regime’s intention of silencing and sidelining the pro-democracy opposition forces, with their leader Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi still under house arrest.

    But the election was “a step forward,” according to the China’s Global Times, which warned against “following the West blindly” in opposing Myanmar’s step-by-step process of political change. 

    Earlier, a Chinese government spokesman stressed hopes for Myanmar’s “domestic stability” and “continued progress in democracy” with smooth elections.

    Before the elections, the U.S. supported plans for an international probe into possible war crimes by Myanmar’s military rulers arising from their human rights records, deemed to be among the worst in the world, but two months of China high-level lobbying at the United Nations effectively killed the initiative.

    (Amnesty International says that the country’s 50 million “live in poverty and suffer ongoing human rights violations.” Click here for more on the human rights situation in the country according to Amnesty International).

    Indeed, China sees its interests served internationally by promoting friendly relations with its neighbors, regardless of these neighbors’ domestic policies.  

    “It is in China’s own interests to maintain good relations, regardless of who is in control of the country,” said current affairs commentator Victor Zhikai Gao.

    Trans-Myanmar lifeline
    For many critics, China’s own interests are best exemplified by its breakthrough agreement with Myanmar’s junta – the construction of the oil and gas pipelines that will provide strategic shortcut from the shores of the Bay of Bengal to the strategic rear area of China’s landlocked Southwest.

    Planners expect the project, which will cut through the heart of Myanmar, to be operational in 2013 and guarantee Myanmar’s rulers nearly $30 billion for 30 years from the sale of natural gas alone.
     
    With a designed capacity for 22 million tons of oil and 12 billion cubic meters of gas annually, the project will at last help deal with the so-called Malacca Dilemma, which has engrossed China’s strategic planners since President Hu Jintao raised the issue in late-2003.

    The 550-mile long Malacca Strait connecting the Indian and Pacific oceans, is one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes and is crucial for China’s trade and security. Between 70 and 80 percent of China’s oil imports from the Middle East and Africa must pass through this congested lane that can easily be blockaded in the event of conflict. Recent disputes with the United States over the South China Sea issues, has certainly added to China’s sense of vulnerability.
     
    In two years’ time, China’s oil tankers from the Middle East and Africa will be able to unload their cargo at Myanmar’s deep sea ports along its western coast.  From there, the fuel will be delivered to refineries in Southwest China, avoiding the Malacca Strait and saving nearly 2,000 sea miles and one week of transport time.

    And down the road, critics warn that Myanmar’s coastlines could provide China with naval access in the proximity of strategic water passages that connect with the Pacific and Indian oceans. 

    “The pipeline in Myanmar will be a plausible reason for China to send its advanced submarines…or consider protecting its interests in Myanmar under nuclear umbrella,” warned Mizzima news agency, a Burmese opposition group based in India.
     
    Myanmar as ‘province of China’?
    Critics of the projects say they will serve China and Myanmar’s elite well, but do little for average Burmese citizens.

    China’s projects “will not bring any benefits to the local communities,” argued Wong Aung, international coordinator for the Shwe Gas Movement opposition group. The military regime will only continue to “systematically abuse its people” and “use the earnings to keep themselves further entrenched in power,” he told NBC News.

    He also warned of potential environmental problems, citing an investigative report accusing the Swiss-American firm Transocean of subcontracting for drilling work in an offshore field in Myanmar – in possible violation of American sanctions. Transocean operated the Deepwater Horizon rig in the center of the BP Gulf of Mexico oil spill disaster.

    Transocean denied the charges.

    “No Transocean affiliate that is subject to the U.S. ban has ever done business in Myanmar,” Managing Director Lou Colasuonno told NBC News.

     “Safety is a core value of Transocean,” he further said, noting that there had been seven consecutive years without a single lost time incident or environmental event before the Gulf oil spill in April.
     
    But probably the most vocal critic of the state of affairs in Myanmar comes from the United States itself.
     
    Sen. Jim Webb, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations East Asia subcommitee, called on the Obama administration to pursue a more active engagement policy towards Myanmar’s military junta.

    “We are in a situation where if we do not push some sort of constructive engagement, Myanmar is going to basically become a province of China,” Webb told a group of defense reporters in Washington last week.

    8 comments

    China has always owned Myanmar.

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    Explore related topics: china, myanmar, eric-baculinao, trans-myanmar-oil-and-gas-pipeline-project

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Behind the Wall provides a dynamic look at China by examining news events and trends – both big and small – from NBC News correspondents and producers. Learn about China's developing economy, politics and the cultural trends that move its 1.3 billion people.

Adrienne Mong

has covered China for NBC News since 2007.

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