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In Behind the Wall, NBC News correspondents and producers examine events and trends in China, both big and small.

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  • 1
    Mar
    2013
    8:02am, EST

    Notorious drug lord executed by China over 'Golden Triangle' smuggling, hijackings

    China Daily / Reuters

    Drug lord Naw Kham is taken from a Chinese jail to be executed on Friday.

    By Ed Flanagan, Producer, NBC News

    BEIJING – A notorious gang leader and drug lord from Myanmar was among four foreigners executed in China Friday, marking the first time Beijing has extradited, tried and put to death foreign nationals. 

    Naw Kham and three accomplices from Thailand and Laos were given a lethal injection in Yunnan’s provincial capital, Kunming, late Friday afternoon.

    The four were found guilty last year and sentenced Wednesday for the October 2011 hijacking of two cargo ships and the murder of 13 Chinese sailors on the Mekong River.

    But Beijing’s decision to live broadcast the final moments of the men as they waited in their cells followed by their walk to waiting police cars to the execution facility has drawn criticism across China’s websphere.

    The four were additionally found guilty of smuggling drugs, kidnapping and hijacking cargo ships in the “Golden Triangle,” a section of territory that overlaps parts of Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam and Laos that accounts for much of Asia’s opium and methamphetamines production.

    Beijing contends that, while Naw Kham masterminded the hijacking of the two Chinese cargo ships, he also colluded with Thai soldiers who may have been responsible for the slaying of the sailors. 

    Thai authorities are investigating nine of their soldiers alleged to be involved in the incident.

    The capture of Naw Kham – who was at the center of the region's bustling drug trade – was a coup for Chinese police and anti-drug ministries, which reportedly spent a year tracking the infamous smuggler.

    The search was unprecedented as it marked the first time that Chinese forces were seen actively searching for foreign national criminal suspects outside of China’s borders.

    Task force
    The importance Beijing placed on the search was underscored by a report last month by Chinese state media that revealed a task force set up to capture Naw Kham had at one point considered a controversial plan to use an unmanned drone to bomb a suspected hideout of Naw Kham’s gang in northeastern Myanmar.   

    The scheme was scrapped after the order to capture Naw Kham alive and bring him to trial was reiterated from senior leaders.

    Naw Kham’s capture and subsequent trial was given significant coverage in Chinese state media. In the run up to Friday’s execution, long reports detailing the gang’s crimes, celebrating the diligent work of China’s security forces and explaining the method of execution were repeatedly played on Chinese broadcaster CCTV.

    CCTV also ran two hours of live coverage leading up to the executions, showing the men’s final moments as they were led from their prison cells to execution facility. Despite rampant rumors and speculation that the state broadcaster was planning on showing the execution live, it ended its live coverage after the men were driven away.  

    The magnitude of Naw Kham’s capture and execution was never underplayed, with one CCTV reporter noting that officials there were comparing Naw Kham’s case to the hunt for Osama Bin Laden.

    The comparison carries an undeniable message from the country’s ruling Communist Party to its people: China can and will look out for its nationals both at home and abroad.

    But many in China found the live broadcast of the men’s final moments in poor taste and an uncomfortable reminder of show executions from China’s turbulent period during the Cultural Revolution.

    “Even though they are deserved to die, these criminals have dignity too,” wrote one user on China’s Twitter-like service, Weibo, “The Cultural Revolution is back.”

    “China is a country without humanity,” lamented another.

    “CCTV is as cruel as these criminals,” one user bluntly noted. 

    Mo Shaoping, a prominent criminal lawyer and advisor at the Central University of Finance and Economics Law School, argued that Beijing’s decision to broadcast the prisoners’ final moments was less about striking a nationalist chord and more about showing how the country has improved its handling of the death penalty – a sensitive topic for China’s leadership.

    “China has made progress in how it deals with the death penalty,” Mo said. “showing everything live helps people see that prisoners are being treated humanely in their final moments.”

    Indeed, much of the commentary on CCTV as cameras rolled on Naw Kham in his cell discussed how he had been given a full doctor’s inspection and that officers in the room had made small chat and offered cigarettes to the kingpin to help him relax.

    They also noted that Naw had actually gained weight and looked healthier after months under Chinese supervision.

    Mo also noted that the use of lethal injection mean that potential donor organs could not be harvested from the men, addressing another common criticism of China’s previous handling of state executions.

    NBC News Le Li contributed to this report.

    212 comments

    They should broadcast all the high profile crimes. The executions should be available for pay per view to pay for boarding and feeding their sorry @ss'es for 20+ years. I would say A+ to China on this one..............

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    Explore related topics: china, thailand, world, death-penalty, myanmar, laos, featured, burma, ed-flanagan
  • 23
    Feb
    2011
    10:44am, EST

    Burmese opposition leader has a few words for China

    By NBC News contributor*

    When I told my mom I was going to Myanmar, her response was: “Myanmar? A lot of drugs there, right? Be careful!”

    I wouldn’t call my mom ignorant. Most Chinese people know very little about their neighboring country, despite the long 1,242 mile border shared by northeast Myanmar and China’s Yunnan province. Chinese media doesn’t report much information on the country except occasional news stories on energy cooperation, the soon-to-be-built high-speed railway connecting Kunming (Yunnan province’s capital) and Yangon, (Myanmar’s largest city), the drug war skirmishes near the border area and about Burmese girls who are smuggled into China.

    As the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy and a persistent champion for democracy and human rights, Aung San Suu Kyi is not frequently mentioned in Chinese media.

    Which made me all the more curious to meet her when NBC News recently had the chance to interview her after  her release from seven years under house arrest.

    Given the fact that Myanmar’s military rulers appear to be taking a hardline against Sui Kyi and her opposition party just three months after her release in November, we were probably lucky that we interviewed her when we got the chance. Myanmar’s rulers recently said that she and her party could meet “tragic ends” if they continue to support international economic and political sanctions against the country. 

    What struck me most was that despite being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for “her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights” and still being revered by many Burmese for being a voice of freedom in repressive Myanmar, she spoke with us like she was just a next-door neighbor. 


    Family steeped in Burmese history
    As we waited for a while in the yard outside her house before the interview, I noticed her yard was fenced off by some very new looking wire; I wondered if that was to prevent anyone from swimming up into her yard again as the American John Yettaw had done in 2009 causing an international incident by violating the terms of her then-house arrest.

    Birds chirped in the blue sky, a small white-and-coffee colored puppy played at our feet, sniffing our ankles and barking from time to time. Her colleagues and friends waited outside just as we did, all wearing the traditional Burmese longyis, chatting and smoking.
    As we walked in, I immediately saw a huge painted portrait of Suu Kyi’s father, the late Gen. Aung San who is still widely admired by the Burmese people as a national hero who led the fight for independence from British colonial rule.

    Just a few hours earlier I tried to visit the Bogyoke Aung San Museum, dedicated to honoring him, but was rejected by a big rusted lock on the gate. The museum, along with the Martyr’s Mausoleum, located just outside the famous Shwedagon Pagodas, is open for just three hours on one day a year: July 19. The date is the anniversary of Aung San’s assassination, along with six other cabinet ministers, and has been designated as a national holiday, Martyr’s Day. But, in line with the military regime’s effort to marginalize his daughter, Suu Kyi, the museum is usually shuttered.

    When Suu Kyi, 65, finally arrived for our interview, she was wearing a buttoned-up orange Burmese shirt and a blue longyi with a pattern of purple flowers. She was wearing black flip-flops, with her toes painted in almost indiscernible pink polish. And, of course, there were flowers in her hair pulled back from her face.  

    During the interview conducted by my colleague, she was calm, quick, focused, and witty. With the occasional smile, she wasted no words, sometimes frowning in deep thought.

    When we had finished, I thought she was going to leave since she was obviously very busy. But to my surprise she offered us tea and rice crackers, then sat down with us on her comfortable sofa.

    Some words for China
    She was a little bit surprised when I told her I was from China. “Do you think you can take a message back to your government?” She asked. “Tell your government…”

    Please forgive my forgetfulness – I don’t remember the exact words she said. But I know what she meant.

    For decades China has been Burma’s third-largest trading partner and provides the regime with extensive military and economic aid. PetroChina is investing heavily to build a major gas pipeline from the A-1 Shwe oil field off the coast of Burma’s Rakhine State to Yunnan. This pipeline would make it possible for China to bypass the traditional route of the Strait of Malacca to import oil from the Middle East.

    The new route alone will save China 746 miles of transport once it’s finished, and it offers Beijing a strategically less risky channel than the Malacca Strait – much safer transport for the huge supply of oil and gas necessary to sustain China’s roaring development. Now a 1,200-mile-long high-speed railway connecting Yangon and Kunming is in the works and due to start construction within days. 

    Chinese influence is big here – and there are fears it may be growing too big. When I met local Burmese and told them that I am Chinese, their reactions were: “Chinese? Rich!” and “Chinese? What kind of business are you doing here?”

    That’s why it’s not hard to understand China’s response to Myanmar’s election last November, saying that the government “maintains internal social stability and the election successfully served the fundamental interests of the Burmese people.” The rest of the world criticized the election as cheating and unfair.

    But Suu Kyi may be surprised to learn that recently released WikiLeaks U.S. State Department cables suggest China may actually be fed up with Myanmar's foot-dragging on reforms, facing pressure from possible political turmoil that could hurt China's economic interests.

    I had to ask her what she thought about Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo winning the Nobel Peace Prize, just as she had. “I’d tell him, stick to your beliefs!” she said. Then he added with a smile, “I have to admit I had never heard his name before he won the prize. But I do feel a person to person connection, because when I won the prize in 1991, I wasn’t allowed to go [to the ceremony in Oslo] either.”
    We even made fun of the China’s own “Confucius Peace Prize,” she joked about how it was too confusing and then offered us more tea and rice crackers.

     

    I told her downtown Yangon greatly reminded me of my childhood in China, when people could sell everything in the street 20 years ago, and she opened her eyes wide. “So you are saying Burma is like China 20 years ago? Ah I didn’t realize we are so behind now!”

    As she finally walked out of the door, she turned back to me and said again: “Tell your government…” then she stopped and smiled. That smile reminded me of what a taxi driver told me as I explored the city earlier, “I love Aung San Suu Kyi. She’s my mother. She’s so graceful because she’s always smiling.”

    Due to restrictions on journalists in Myanmar, msnbc.com is not identifying the author of this post.

    2 comments

    Equal-footing would be fine, politically or econimically. Ripping off too much may harm other but finally self-suicidal. There is a Chinese proverb: "One who plays fire burn itself". How long China can play (with Burmese people) like that? To become a super power doesn't depend on how much you …

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